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Cotzumalguapa: Bukti Kenalan Transoceanic Pra-Columbia

Cotzumalguapa: Bukti Kenalan Transoceanic Pra-Columbia


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Ribuan tahun yang lalu, budaya yang tidak diketahui mengukir dan membesarkan ratusan stelas batu dan patung di pantai Pasifik di selatan Guatemala. Bersama-sama, mereka memberikan beberapa bukti terkuat mengenai hubungan transoceanic Pra-Columbia di mana sahaja di benua Amerika. Budaya misteri yang mencipta patung-patung ini dikenali sebagai Cotzumalguapa, dinamai kampung di mana artifak pertama ditemui pada pertengahan abad ke-19. Tiga laman web membentuk pusat budaya Cotzumalguapa, yang dikenali dengan nama moden mereka El Baúl, Bilbao dan El Castillo, masing-masing hanya berjarak beberapa kilometer dan dihubungkan oleh jalan batu yang dinaikkan di mana hanya jejak samar yang tersisa.

Arca yang mengagumkan dari El Baúl yang menggambarkan jaguar yang sedang duduk. Ini adalah salah satu patung paling terkenal di laman web ini dan simbol Guatemala. (Imej: © Marco Vigato)

Kontemporari 1000 SM Maya dan Olmec

Penyebutan pertama mengenai patung Cotzumalguapa dalam kesusasteraan arkeologi bermula pada tahun 1863. Namun pada tahun 1877 sahaja, ekspedisi Jerman menemui lebih dari 31 monumen dan stelas, yang semuanya kecuali satu dihantar ke Berlin. Ratusan lagi akan ditemui pada tahun-tahun berikutnya kerana kawasan itu dibersihkan dari hutan yang tebal untuk memberi ruang kepada perkebunan kopi dan tebu. Sayangnya, pembangunan pertanian juga bertanggung jawab atas pemusnahan hampir semua arsitektur monumental di lokasi ini, yang pastinya luas. Stelas itu tersebar di beberapa muzium dan koleksi peribadi, dengan hanya patung terbesar yang tersisa in situ , terdedah kepada semua jenis penjarahan dan vandalisme.

Stela 27 dari El Baúl di sebelah potret penguasa kolosal. (Imej: © Marco Vigato)

Apa yang tersisa, bagaimanapun, cukup untuk membentuk gambaran yang jelas tentang budaya yang berkembang di pesisir Pasifik Guatemala mungkin seawal 1000 SM, dan mengembangkan gaya artistiknya yang unik pada waktu yang sama dengan berkembangnya awal Maya dan Olmecs. Sebilangan besar patung Cotzumalguapa kini dihoskan di muzium terbuka El Baúl, yang terletak di dalam kawasan industri yang terbengkalai. Hampir semua patung yang dipamerkan diukir dalam jenis andesit atau basalt yang keras, dan mencerminkan pengaruh Olmec, Maya dan bahkan pengaruh Mexico Tengah dan Toltec - mulai dari sekitar 1000 SM hingga 1200 Masihi.

Patung-patung lain dari wilayah yang sama telah terbukti mengandung anomali magnetik yang signifikan, yang sengaja disatukan dan dengan cara yang ditonjolkan oleh pengrajin kuno.


Hubungan trans-lautan pra-Columbia

Ekspresi "hubungan trans-lautan pra-Columbia" merujuk kepada interaksi atau tuntutan interaksi antara orang-orang Asli Amerika dan orang-orang dari benua lain & mdash Eropah, Afrika, Asia - atau Oceania & mdash sebelum penemuan Eropah yang direkodkan secara historis oleh Amerika oleh Christopher Columbus.

Bermula pada tahun 1926 ketika seorang koboi menemui kerangka raksasa dengan ujung tombak di tulang rusuknya dekat Folsom, New Mexico, ahli arkeologi telah memfokuskan pada teori bahawa migrasi Zaman Ais di Beringia dan Selat Bering kira-kira 9.000 hingga 12.000 tahun yang lalu menetap di Amerika. Penemuan lebih banyak artifak berhampiran Clovis, New Mexico pada tahun 1930-an membawa nama untuk orang-orang ini - budaya Clovis. Linguistik menunjukkan bahawa terdapat tiga gelombang hubungan dari Siberia, yang paling baru adalah dari nenek moyang Inuit. Bukti terbaru dari genetik molekul menunjukkan bahawa keseluruhan populasi Amerind di Amerika mungkin berasal dari populasi pendirian berkesan yang sekecil 80 (Hey, 2005).

Selama 75 tahun yang lalu, kesimpulan arus perdana, yang disebut "teori jambatan tanah Bering", adalah bahawa budaya asli Amerika berkembang dalam pengasingan sepenuhnya dari seluruh umat manusia sehingga pelayaran Columbus memulakan hubungan dari Eropah. Teori ini menafsirkan catatan arkeologi untuk ditunjukkan in situ, perkembangan budaya asli sepanjang tempoh itu, dengan orang-orang berinteraksi di seluruh kawasan tempatan tetapi tidak dengan benua lain.

Satu-satunya pengecualian arkeologi arus perdana adalah lawatan oleh Viking ke Newfoundland di laman L'Anse aux Meadows. Ini mungkin merupakan asas dari Vinland Sagas dan ini diterima setelah bukti fizikal artefak Norse ditemui.

Sebilangan kecil sarjana menegaskan bahawa penyeberangan lautan mempengaruhi orang-orang di Amerika, dan bahawa migrasi dapat dilakukan dengan mudah melalui laut seperti darat. Sebilangan dari penyebar ini, melihat persamaan budaya yang cukup untuk membenarkannya, termasuk penemuan di Monte Verde di selatan Chile kira-kira 2.000 tahun lebih tua daripada Clovis. Bukti baru dari penemuan laman Gault [1] (http://www.utexas.edu/research/tarl/research/Gault/artifacts/artifacts.htm) menawarkan beberapa bukti bahawa budaya Clovis lebih menyerupai budaya Eropah daripada budaya Siberia.

Artikel ini merangkum tuntutan utama yang telah dibuat untuk kandungan trans-lautan Pra-Columbia. Sebilangan tuntutan ini tidak lagi dipertahankan secara serius, dan tidak ada yang disokong secara meluas. Walaupun begitu, arkeologi selalu berubah kerana penemuan, teknik, dan teknologi baru menambah bukti baru dan menimbulkan teori baru. Walaupun teori jambatan tanah penyelesaian Amerika telah mendominasi pemikiran arkeologi selama bertahun-tahun, seperti teori saintifik, teori ini terbuka untuk berubah.


Apakah Hubungan Trans-Lautan Pra-Columbia? (dengan gambar)

Hubungan trans-samudera pra-Columbia merujuk kepada kejadian hubungan antara penduduk asli Amerika dengan orang-orang benua lain sebelum kedatangan Christopher Columbus pada tahun 1492. Sekurang-kurangnya dua kejadian umumnya diakui benar - bahawa Norsemen melakukan perjalanan ke Kanada moden dan membuat jajahan di sana sekitar tahun 1000, dan orang Polinesia mengunjungi Amerika Selatan sekurang-kurangnya seawal tahun 1304 hingga 1424.

Hubungan trans-lautan pra-Columbia Norse (juga dikenali sebagai Viking) disahkan oleh bukti sejarah dan arkeologi. Jenazah penempatan Viking ditemui pada tahun 1961 oleh ahli arkeologi Anne dan Helge Ingstad di L'Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland, Kanada. Bengkel dan kediaman terbongkar, termasuk besi besi dengan tempa, pertukangan kayu pertukangan, dan area memperbaiki kapal. Bangunan terbesar, dengan beberapa bilik, berukuran 28.8 x 15.6 m (94.5 x 51 kaki). Kerana penemuan itu, L'Anse aux Meadows telah dinobatkan sebagai Tapak Warisan Dunia UNESCO.

Bukti arkeologi mengenai hubungan trans-samudera pra-Columbus Norse sangat sesuai dengan kisah Viking tentang tanah di sebelah barat Greenland yang disebut Vinland, yang ditulis sekitar waktu itu. Menurut Vinland Sagas, penempatan Amerika Utara didirikan oleh Leif Ericson, penjelajah Viking yang terkenal. The Vinland Sagas menyatakan jajahan tersebut kemudiannya runtuh kerana pertengkaran dan konflik dengan penduduk asli. Hari ini, orang yang pintar memanggil Ericson sebagai orang Eropah pertama yang sampai ke Amerika, bukannya Christopher Columbus. The Vinland Sagas dan bukti-bukti arkeologi yang menyertainya tetap menjadi contoh pertama hubungan trans-lautan pra-Columbia.

Pada tahun 2007, sebuah kajian yang diterbitkan di Prosiding Akademi Sains Nasional mendapati bahawa tulang ayam yang terletak di Provinsi Arauco, Chile sesuai dengan profil genetik ayam dari masa itu dari Samoa Amerika dan Tonga, sejauh 5.000 batu (8.000 km), dan mempunyai sedikit persamaan dengan ayam Eropah apa pun. Tulang ayam ini bertarikh antara 1304 dan 1424, jauh sebelum kedatangan orang Sepanyol. Sebagai sepasang ayam yang membiak tidak akan pernah sampai ke Lautan Pasifik melayang di atas sebatang kayu, ini sangat mungkin berlaku bahawa hubungan trans-lautan pra-Columbia berlaku antara penduduk asli Polinesia dan Amerika Selatan selama ini.

Michael adalah penyumbang lama yang pakar dalam topik yang berkaitan dengan paleontologi, fizik, biologi, astronomi, kimia, dan futurisme. Selain menjadi blogger yang gemar, Michael sangat meminati penyelidikan sel stem, perubatan regeneratif, dan terapi lanjutan umur. Dia juga pernah bekerja di Yayasan Methuselah, Institut Singularity for Artificial Intelligence, dan Lifeboat Foundation.

Michael adalah penyumbang lama yang pakar dalam topik yang berkaitan dengan paleontologi, fizik, biologi, astronomi, kimia, dan futurisme. Selain menjadi blogger yang gemar, Michael sangat meminati kajian sel stem, perubatan regeneratif, dan terapi lanjutan umur. Dia juga pernah bekerja di Yayasan Methuselah, Institut Singularity for Artificial Intelligence, dan Lifeboat Foundation.


Tuntutan kenalan Polinesia

Tuntutan yang melibatkan ubi jalar

Ubi jalar, yang berasal dari Amerika, tersebar luas di Polinesia ketika orang Eropah pertama kali mencapai Pasifik. Ubi jalar bertarikh radiokarbon di Kepulauan Cook hingga tahun 1000 Masihi, dan pemikiran semasa adalah bahawa ia dibawa ke Polinesia tengah c. 700 Masihi dan tersebar di seluruh Polinesia dari sana. [9] Telah disarankan [10] bahawa ia dibawa oleh orang Polinesia yang telah melakukan perjalanan ke Amerika Selatan dan kembali, atau bahawa orang Amerika Selatan membawanya ke Pasifik. Ada kemungkinan kilang itu berjaya melayang di seberang lautan jika dibuang dari muatan kapal. [11] Analisis filogenetik menyokong hipotesis sekurang-kurangnya dua pengenalan ubi jalar berasingan dari Amerika Selatan ke Polinesia, termasuk satu sebelum dan satu selepas hubungan Eropah. [12] (lihat juga #Linguistik.)

Tuntutan yang melibatkan mumi Peru

Sepasukan ahli akademik yang diketuai oleh Kumpulan Penyelidikan Mummy University of York dan BioArch, [13] ketika memeriksa mumi Peru di Bolton Museum, mendapati bahawa ia telah dibalsem menggunakan resin pohon. Sebelum ini difikirkan bahawa mumi Peru secara semula jadi dipelihara. Resin, didapati dari suatu Araucaria konifer yang berkaitan dengan 'pohon teka-teki monyet', berasal dari pelbagai yang hanya terdapat di Oceania dan mungkin di New Guinea. "Penetapan radiokarbon dari resin dan badan oleh makmal radiokarbon University of Oxford mengesahkan bahawa mereka pada dasarnya kontemporari, dan berasal dari sekitar 1200 AD." [14]

Tuntutan yang melibatkan sampan California

Penyelidik termasuk Kathryn Klar dan Terry Jones telah mengusulkan teori hubungan antara orang Hawaii dan orang-orang Chumash di California Selatan antara 400 dan 800 Masihi. Kanu papan dijahit yang dibuat oleh Chumash dan Tongva yang berdekatan adalah unik di kalangan penduduk asli Amerika Utara, tetapi reka bentuknya serupa dengan kano yang lebih besar yang digunakan oleh orang Polinesia untuk pelayaran laut dalam. Tomolo'o, kata Chumash untuk kraf seperti itu, mungkin berasal dari kumula'au, istilah Hawaii untuk kayu balak dari mana hak cipta kapal mengukir papan untuk dijahit ke sampan. [15] [16] Istilah Tongva yang serupa, tii'at, tidak berkaitan. Sekiranya ia berlaku, kenalan ini tidak meninggalkan warisan genetik di California atau Hawaii. Teori ini telah menarik perhatian media yang terbatas di California, tetapi kebanyakan ahli arkeologi budaya Tongva dan Chumash menolaknya dengan alasan bahawa pengembangan kano papan dijahit secara bebas selama beberapa abad terwakili dengan baik dalam catatan material. [17] [18] [19]

Tuntutan yang melibatkan ayam

Kewujudan tulang ayam yang berasal dari tahun 1321 hingga 1407 di Chile dan dianggap berkaitan secara genetik dengan spesies ayam Pulau Pasifik Selatan menunjukkan bukti lebih lanjut mengenai hubungan Pasifik Selatan dengan Amerika Selatan. Hubungan genetik antara Mapuche Amerika Selatan (yang dipercayai berasal dari ayam) [20] tulang ayam dan spesies Pulau Pasifik Selatan telah ditolak oleh kajian genetik baru-baru ini yang menyimpulkan bahawa "Analisis spesimen kuno dan moden menunjukkan tandatangan genetik Polinesia yang unik "dan bahawa" hubungan yang dilaporkan sebelumnya antara ayam pra-Eropah Selatan dan ayam Polinesia berpunca daripada pencemaran dengan DNA moden, dan bahawa masalah ini cenderung membingungkan kajian DNA kuno yang melibatkan urutan ayam haplogroup E. " [21]

Dalam beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini, bukti telah muncul yang menunjukkan kemungkinan adanya hubungan pra-Kolombia antara orang-orang Mapuche (Araucanians) di selatan-tengah Chile dan orang-orang Polinesia. Tulang ayam yang terdapat di laman El Arenal di Semenanjung Arauco, sebuah kawasan yang dihuni oleh Mapuche, menyokong pengenalan ayam pra-Columbia ke Amerika Selatan. [22] Tulang yang dijumpai di Chile bertarikh radiokarbon antara 1304 dan 1424, sebelum kedatangan orang Sepanyol. Urutan DNA ayam diambil sesuai dengan ayam di Samoa Amerika dan Tonga, dan tidak sama dengan ayam Eropah. [23] [24] Namun, laporan kemudian dalam jurnal yang sama yang melihat mtDNA yang sama menyimpulkan bahawa kumpulan ayam Chile dengan urutan subkontinental / Asia Tenggara Eropah / India yang sama, tidak memberikan sokongan untuk pengenalan ayam Polinesia ke Selatan Amerika. [25]

Linguistik

Ahli bahasa Belanda dan pakar dalam bahasa Amerindian Willem Adelaar dan Pieter Muysken telah mencadangkan bahawa dua item leksikal dapat dikongsi oleh bahasa dan bahasa Polinesia di Amerika Selatan. Salah satunya adalah nama ubi jalar, yang dijinakkan di Dunia Baru. Proto-Polinesia *kumala [26] (bandingkan Pulau Paskah kumara, Orang Hawaii ʻUala, Māori kumara kognisi yang jelas di luar Polinesia Timur mungkin dipinjam dari bahasa Polinesia Timur, memanggil status dan usia Proto-Polinesia) boleh dihubungkan dengan Quechua dan Aymara k’umar

k'umara. Yang mungkin kedua ialah perkataan untuk 'kapak batu', Pulau Paskah toki, Maori New Zealand toki 'adze', Mapuche toki, dan lebih jauh, Yurumangui totoki 'kapak'. Menurut Adelaar dan Muysken, kesamaan dalam kata untuk ubi jalar "merupakan bukti yang hampir pasti mengenai hubungan yang tidak disengajakan antara penduduk wilayah Andean dan Pasifik Selatan", walaupun menurut Adelaar dan Muysken kata untuk kapak tidak begitu meyakinkan. Penulis berpendapat bahawa kehadiran kata untuk ubi jalar menunjukkan hubungan sporadis antara Polinesia dan Amerika Selatan, tetapi tidak ada migrasi. [27]

Kesamaan ciri dan genetik

Pada bulan Disember 2007, beberapa tengkorak manusia ditemui di sebuah muzium di Concepción, Chile. Tengkorak ini berasal dari Pulau Mocha, sebuah pulau di lepas pantai Chile di Lautan Pasifik, yang sebelumnya dihuni oleh Mapuche. Analisis kraniometrik tengkorak, menurut Lisa Matisoo-Smith dari University of Otago dan José Miguel Ramírez Aliaga dari Universidad de Valparaíso, menunjukkan bahawa tengkorak memiliki "ciri Polinesia" - seperti bentuk pentagonal jika dilihat dari belakang, dan rocker rahang. [28]

Dari tahun 2007 hingga 2009, ahli genetik Erik Thorsby dan rakan-rakannya telah menerbitkan dua kajian di Antigen tisu yang membuktikan sumbangan genetik Amerindian kepada penduduk Pulau Paskah, yang menentukan bahawa ia mungkin diperkenalkan sebelum penemuan pulau itu di Eropah. [29] [30]

Pada tahun 2014, ahli genetik Anna-Sapfo Malaspinas dari Pusat GeoGenetik di University of Copenhagen menerbitkan sebuah kajian di Biologi Semasa yang menemui bukti genetik manusia mengenai hubungan antara populasi Pulau Paskah dan Amerika Selatan, kira-kira 600 tahun yang lalu (iaitu 1400 AD ± 100 tahun). [31]

Sebilangan anggota masyarakat Botocudo yang kini pupus, yang tinggal di pedalaman Brazil, didapati dalam penyelidikan yang diterbitkan pada tahun 2013, telah menjadi anggota kumpulan htlograf mtDNA B4a1a1, yang biasanya hanya terdapat di kalangan orang Polinesia dan subkumpulan lain dari orang Austronesia. Ini berdasarkan analisis 14 tengkorak. Dua milik B4a1a1 (sementara dua belas milik subkelas mtDNA Haplogroup C1 yang biasa berlaku di kalangan penduduk asli Amerika). Pasukan penyelidik meneliti pelbagai senario, tidak ada yang dapat mereka katakan pasti betul. Mereka menolak senario hubungan langsung di prasejarah antara Polinesia dan Brazil sebagai "terlalu tidak mungkin dilayan secara serius." Walaupun B4a1a1 juga dijumpai di kalangan orang Malagasi Madagascar (yang mengalami penempatan Austronesia yang penting pada zaman prasejarah), penulis menggambarkan sebagai cadangan "menarik" bahawa B4a1a1 di antara Botocudo dihasilkan dari perdagangan hamba Afrika (yang termasuk Madagascar). [32]

Telah disahkan bahawa "sebilangan penduduk Asli Amerika Amazon berasal sebahagian dari penduduk pendirian yang membawa keturunan yang lebih berkaitan dengan penduduk asli Australia, Guinea Baru dan Kepulauan Andaman daripada mana-mana orang Eropah atau Orang Asli Amerika sekarang", menurut kajian genetik yang diterbitkan dalam jurnal berprestij Alam semula jadi pada bulan Julai 2015. [33] Penulis, termasuk David Reich, menambahkan: "Tanda tangan ini tidak hadir sama, atau sama sekali, pada orang Amerika Utara dan Tengah sekarang atau dalam

Genom yang berkaitan dengan Clovis berusia 12,600 tahun, menunjukkan kumpulan populasi pendirian Amerika yang lebih pelbagai daripada yang diterima sebelumnya. "Ini nampaknya bertentangan dengan artikel yang diterbitkan secara kasar serentak di Sains yang menggunakan perspektif konsensus sebelumnya. "Nenek moyang semua penduduk asli Amerika memasuki Amerika sebagai gelombang penghijrahan tunggal dari Siberia tidak lebih awal

23 ka, terpisah dari Inuit dan dipelbagaikan ke cawangan Asli Amerika "utara" dan "selatan"

13 ka. Terdapat bukti aliran gen pasca-perbezaan antara beberapa penduduk asli Amerika dan kumpulan yang berkaitan dengan orang Asia Timur / Inuit dan Australo-Melanesians. [34]


Tuntutan hubungan trans-lautan Polinesia

Tuntutan yang melibatkan ubi jalar

Ubi jalar, yang berasal dari Amerika, tersebar luas di Polinesia ketika orang Eropah pertama kali mencapai Pasifik. Ubi jalar bertarikh radiokarbon di Kepulauan Cook hingga 1000 CE, dan pemikiran semasa adalah bahawa ia dibawa ke Polinesia tengah c. 700 CE dan tersebar di seluruh Polinesia dari sana. [9] Telah disarankan [10] bahawa ia dibawa oleh orang Polinesia yang telah melakukan perjalanan ke Amerika Selatan dan kembali, atau bahawa orang Amerika Selatan membawanya ke Pasifik. Kemungkinan tanaman ini berjaya melayang di seberang lautan dengan cara semula jadi. [11] Analisis filogenetik menyokong hipotesis sekurang-kurangnya dua pengenalan ubi jalar berasingan dari Amerika Selatan ke Polinesia, termasuk satu sebelum dan satu selepas hubungan Eropah. [12] (lihat juga # Tuntutan berdasarkan linguistik.)

Tuntutan yang melibatkan ayam

Kewujudan tulang ayam yang berasal dari tahun 1321 hingga 1407 di Chile dan dianggap berkaitan secara genetik dengan spesies ayam Pulau Pasifik Selatan menunjukkan bukti lebih lanjut mengenai hubungan Pasifik Selatan dengan Amerika Selatan. Hubungan genetik antara orang Amerika Selatan, Mapuche (dari mana asalnya ayam tersebut berasal) [13] tulang ayam dan spesies Pulau Pasifik Selatan telah ditolak oleh kajian genetik yang lebih baru yang menyimpulkan bahawa "Analisis spesimen kuno dan moden mendedahkan tandatangan genetik Polinesia yang unik "dan bahawa" hubungan yang dilaporkan sebelumnya antara ayam pra-Eropah Amerika Selatan dan ayam Polinesia kemungkinan besar disebabkan oleh pencemaran dengan DNA moden, dan bahawa masalah ini cenderung membingungkan kajian DNA kuno yang melibatkan urutan ayam haplogroup E. " [14]

Dalam beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini bukti yang muncul menunjukkan kemungkinan adanya hubungan pra-Columbia antara orang-orang Mapuche (Araucanians) di selatan-tengah Chile dan orang Polinesia. Tulang ayam yang terdapat di laman El Arenal di Semenanjung Arauco, sebuah kawasan yang dihuni oleh Mapuche, menyokong pengenalan ayam pra-Columbia ke Amerika Selatan. [15] Tulang yang ditemui di Chile bertarikh radiokarbon antara 1304 dan 1424, sebelum kedatangan orang Sepanyol. Urutan DNA ayam diambil sesuai dengan ayam di Samoa Amerika dan Tonga, dan tidak sama dengan ayam Eropah. [16] [17] Namun, laporan kemudian dalam jurnal yang sama yang melihat mtDNA yang sama menyimpulkan bahawa kumpulan ayam Chili dengan urutan benua Eropah / Asia Tenggara / Asia yang sama, tidak memberikan sokongan untuk pengenalan ayam Polinesia ke Selatan Amerika. [18]

Linguistik

Ahli bahasa Belanda dan pakar dalam bahasa Amerindian Willem Adelaar dan Pieter Muysken telah mencadangkan agar dua item leksikal dapat dikongsi oleh bahasa dan bahasa Polinesia di Amerika Selatan. Salah satunya adalah nama ubi jalar, yang dijinakkan di Dunia Baru. Proto-Polinesia *kumala [19] (bandingkan Pulau Paskah kumara, Orang Hawaii ʻUala, Māori kumara kognisi yang jelas di luar Polinesia Timur mungkin dipinjam dari bahasa Polinesia Timur, memanggil status dan usia Proto-Polinesia) boleh dihubungkan dengan Quechua dan Aymara k’umar

k'umara. Yang mungkin kedua ialah perkataan untuk 'kapak batu', Pulau Paskah toki, Mapuche toki, dan lebih jauh, Yurumangui totoki 'kapak'. Menurut Adelaar dan Muysken persamaan dalam kata untuk ubi jalar, "merupakan bukti yang hampir pasti mengenai hubungan yang tidak disengajakan antara penduduk wilayah Andean dan Pasifik Selatan", walaupun menurut Adelaar dan Muysken kata untuk kapak tidak begitu meyakinkan. Penulis berpendapat bahawa kehadiran kata untuk ubi jalar menunjukkan hubungan sporadis antara Polinesia dan Amerika Selatan, tetapi tidak ada migrasi. [20]

Kesamaan ciri dan genetik

Pada bulan Disember 2007, beberapa tengkorak manusia ditemui di sebuah muzium di Concepción, Chile. Tengkorak ini berasal dari Pulau Mocha, sebuah pulau di lepas pantai Chile di Lautan Pasifik, yang kini dihuni oleh Mapuche. Profesor Lisa Matisoo-Smith dari University of Otago dan José Miguel Ramírez Aliaga dari University of Valparaíso mendakwa tengkorak tersebut mempunyai "ciri Polinesia", seperti bentuk pentagonal ketika dilihat dari belakang, dan mereka berharap dapat memulai pencarian penggalian untuk tinggalan Polinesia di atas pulau. [21]

Dari tahun 2007 hingga 2009, ahli genetik Erik Thorsby dan rakan-rakannya telah menerbitkan dua kajian di Antigen tisu yang membuktikan sumbangan genetik Amerindian kepada penduduk Pulau Paskah, yang menentukan bahawa ia mungkin diperkenalkan sebelum penemuan pulau itu di Eropah. [22] [23]

Pada tahun 2014, ahli genetik Anna-Sapfo Malaspinas dari The Center for GeoGenetics di University of Copenhagen menerbitkan satu kajian dalam Current Biology yang menjumpai bukti mengenai perkawinan antara populasi Pulau Paskah dan Amerika Selatan yang berlaku antara tahun 1300 dan 1500. [24]

Pada tahun 2013 sebuah laporan diterbitkan mengenai kajian 14 tengkorak dari orang Botocudo yang kini pupus yang tinggal di pedalaman Brazil. Dua belas di antaranya mempunyai Haplogroup C1 yang biasa dilakukan oleh orang India Amerika dan tidak diendahkan. Dua yang lain mempunyai haplotip yang biasa dijumpai di Polinesia. Pasukan penyelidik meneliti pelbagai senario, tidak ada yang dapat mereka katakan dengan pasti. Mereka menolak senario hubungan langsung dengan Polynesia di seluruh Pasifik dan Andes sebagai "terlalu tidak mungkin dilayan secara serius." Senario yang paling mungkin (yang mereka sebut "indah") adalah perdagangan hamba Afrika abad ke-19 dari Madagascar. [25]

Pada bulan Julai 2015, hasil kajian genetik selanjutnya diterbitkan dalam jurnal berprestij Alam semula jadi [26] yang menyatakan:

Ini nampaknya agak bertentangan dengan artikel yang diterbitkan secara kasar serentak di Sains [27] yang menggunakan perspektif konsensus sebelumnya.

23 ka, terpisah dari Inuit (hijau), dan dipelbagaikan menjadi cabang Amerika Asli "utara" dan "selatan"


Kesimpulannya

Walaupun dalam aspek asas mereka, peradaban Dunia Lama dan Baru, hingga awal abad keenam belas, sangat berbeza dan, akibatnya, saling bergantung satu sama lain, ada juga beberapa data yang menunjukkan adanya beberapa sporadis, kemungkinan besar perjalanan transoceanic yang tidak disengajakan pada zaman pra-Columbia, yang mempunyai kesan budaya dan biologi yang minimum.
Penemuan ketua Rom yang didakwa di Tecaxic-Calixtlahuaca nampaknya menyokong terjadinya salah satu perjalanan ini melintasi pertengahan Atlantik. Penyelidikan arkeologi yang lebih baru menunjukkan bahawa bukan sahaja orang Rom, tetapi juga orang Fenisia dan Berber menjangkau sekurang-kurangnya Tenerife dan Lanzarote seawal abad ke-6 atau ke-5 SM: implikasi penemuan ini dalam pemandangan kemungkinan hubungan transatlantik pra-Columbia jelas dan masuk akal untuk menjangkakan dalam waktu terdekat bahawa kajian arkeologi sistematik di Caribbean, Amerika Tengah dan Brazil akan memberikan data yang lebih konklusif berkaitan dengan pelayaran transatlantik sebelum tahun 1492.

& quot (Ketua) sudah pasti Rom, dan analisis makmal telah mengesahkan bahawa ia kuno. Pemeriksaan gaya memberitahu kita dengan lebih tepat bahawa itu adalah karya Romawi dari sekitar abad II Masehi, dan gaya rambut dan bentuk janggut menunjukkan ciri khas zaman maharaja Severian [193-235 Masehi], tepat dalam 'fesyen 'zaman. & quot

-Bernard Andreae

Sumber yang dihubungkan dengan teori Tecaxic-Calixtlahuaca dan teori Pra-Columbian Contact


Polinesia di California: Bukti Pertukaran Kuno?

Selama beberapa dekad, para sarjana telah mencari bukti nyata mengenai hubungan Pra-Columbia antara Dunia Lama dan Dunia Baru. Sama ada berdasarkan perbandingan silang budaya, catatan sejarah, kajian linguistik, atau penyelidikan antropologi, tuntutan ini telah mendorong perdebatan dan kontroversi di pelbagai bidang. Namun, belakangan ini, ada bukti yang menunjukkan bahwa ada pertukaran antara pelaut Polinesia dan penduduk asli di Amerika. Dari c. 300 hingga c. 1450 CE, orang Polinesia melintasi Lautan Pasifik, menetap rantai pulau terpencil seperti di Hawaii, New Zealand, dan Pulau Paskah sekarang. Mungkinkah mereka juga berhasil ke Dunia Baru?

Dalam temu ramah eksklusif ini, James Blake Wiener dari Ensiklopedia Sejarah Purba bercakap dengan Dr. Terry L. Jones, seorang ahli arkeologi dan Profesor Antropologi di Universiti Negeri Politeknik California, mengenai pernyataannya bahawa terdapat pertukaran teknologi dan linguistik antara suku Chumash dan Gabrielino di California dengan orang Polinesia kuno.

JW: Dr. Terry Jones, selamat datang ke Ensiklopedia Sejarah Kuno dan terima kasih kerana bercakap dengan saya mengenai penyelidikan anda! Saya dengan sukacitanya memaklumkan bahawa anda adalah satu-satunya ahli arkeologi yang telah kami bicarakan mengenai California prasejarah atau orang Polinesia.

Sebelum mempelajari nuansa pertukaran trans-samudera Pra-Kolombia antara Polinesia dan Amerika Utara, saya ingin tahu bagaimana anda mula-mula berminat dengan suku Chumash di California? Terkenal dengan bakul, seni batu, dan karya manik mereka, Chumash juga merupakan pelayaran yang mahir yang mengekalkan jaringan perdagangan yang canggih yang mengagumkan orang Sepanyol semasa era Kolonial (1697-1821 M). Dengan kata-kata anda sendiri, apa yang menarik bagi anda sebagai ahli arkeologi (atau antropologi)?

TJ: Pada awal kerjaya saya, saya mengembangkan minat khusus dalam arkeologi pesisir dan masyarakat yang berorientasikan laut. Chumash (dan Gabrielino) mempunyai teknologi dan penyesuaian pantai yang paling maju di California. Selain itu, pulau-pulau yang mereka huni mempunyai catatan arkeologi yang sangat murni dan melimpah. Nampaknya tidak dapat dielakkan bahawa minat kajian saya akhirnya akan membawa saya ke pulau-pulau dan Chumash walaupun pada masa ini saya kebanyakan bekerja di laman web daratan Chumash.

JW: Chumash dan jiran mereka di selatan & # 8211the Gabrielino dari Kumpulan etnik Tongva & # 8211 adalah satu-satunya penduduk asli Amerika Utara yang membina sampan papan laut. Apa yang membuat kapal-kapal yang dibina papan ini sangat berbeza dengan kapal-kapal asli Amerika lain, yang akan menunjukkan anteseden Polinesia?

TJ: Membangun kapal yang dijahit dengan papan memerlukan banyak kemahiran dan kejuruteraan khusus. Semua kapal air lain di pantai barat Amerika Utara adalah sama ada tule balsas (bungkusan alang-alang kering yang digayakan menjadi sampan) atau kayu bulat tunggal. Yang terakhir dalam beberapa kasus sangat besar, dan dapat digunakan untuk perjalanan laut, tetapi teknik yang digunakan untuk menghasilkannya sangat berbeda daripada yang digunakan untuk membangun kano papan dijahit. Perbezaan teknologi antara sampan papan dijahit Chumash, dan kano tule balsa digunakan oleh jiran mereka sejauh 800 km (500 mi) ke utara dan selatan, nampaknya ketara. The tomolo adalah kapal perahu paling kompleks tunggal yang dibina di Amerika Utara dan ia terpisah dari semua perahu asli lain di Amerika Utara barat. Sebenarnya, ia menonjol di seluruh Dunia Baru.

JW: Rakan penyelidikan anda & # 8211Dr. Kathryn A. Klar, ahli bahasa di University of California, Berkeley & # 8211 mendakwa bahawa perkataan Chumash untuk & # 8220 kano-papan baru, & # 8221 tomolo, mungkin berasal dari perkataan Hawaii, kumula‘au, yang merujuk kepada kayu balak yang digunakan dalam pembinaannya. Adakah Chumash dianggap sebagai & # 8220isolated & # 8221 Bahasa asli Amerika oleh para sarjana? Klar membuat beberapa persamaan linguistik yang menarik antara bahasa Chumash dan Polinesia. Bolehkah anda menghuraikan lebih lanjut?

TJ: Apa yang sebenarnya dicadangkan oleh rakan sekerja saya ialah Chumash meminjam sepatah kata dari leksikon penutur bahasa perahu pada saat peristiwa pertama yang boleh dihubungi, yang memperkenalkan ahli teknik jahitan papan menyebutnya sebagai & # 8220proto- Polinesia Timur Tengah, & # 8221 dan bentuk pada masa itu adalah seperti *tumura & # 8217aakau. (Ahli bahasa & # 8220membentuk semula & # 8221 bentuk dari bahasa sebelumnya yang tidak ditulis menggunakan metodologi linguistik perbandingan sejarah.) Kumulaa'au adalah perkataan Hawaii Moden untuk & # 8220tree yang menyediakan kayu berguna untuk membuat kapal, & # 8221 dan ia bermaksud sesuatu yang serupa c. 1,200 tahun yang lalu di proto-CEP. Bahasa Hawaii adalah salah satu bahasa yang berkembang dari proto-CEP (yang lain termasuk Tahitian dan Maori).

Kata-kata tambahan berikut, yang secara fonologis tidak normal dalam bahasa mereka, dipercayai dipinjam dari Polinesia Timur Tengah (CEP):

  1. Ti & # 8217at, perkataan Gabrielino / Tongva untuk & # 8216 kano-papan baru, & # 8217 adalah perkataan yang bermaksud & # 8216untuk menjahit & # 8217 dalam CEP.
  2. Taraina, tarainxa, perkataan Gabrielino / Tongva untuk & # 8216anyapahu & # 8217 sangat serupa dengan perkataan & # 8216talai & # 8217 yang bermaksud & # 8216untuk menebang atau melekatkan kayu & # 8217 dalam CEP.
  3. Kata Santa Cruz Island Chumash, & # 8216kalui, & # 8217 kata untuk kecapi tulang komposit, nampaknya berasal dari gabungan & # 8216tala, & # 8217 bermaksud & # 8216 objek tajam, tulang belakang, atau serampang & # 8217 di Polinesia, dan & # 8216hui, & # 8217 makna & # 8216bone. & # 8217

Satu titik penjelasan lebih lanjut: Chumash bukan & # 8220 bahasa Asli Amerika yang terpencil. & # 8221 Ia dikelilingi oleh tiga sisi oleh bahasa asli lain, dan lautan (dan Polinesia) berada di sisi keempat. Ini adalah & # 8220 bahasa pengasingan, & # 8221 istilah teknikal yang bermaksud bahawa keluarga Chumashan tidak mempunyai saudara terdekat yang dikenali atau terkenal di antara bahasa lain di California, ia adalah bahasa yang betul kerana ia tidak berkaitan dengan bahasa lain atau keluarga bahasa di negeri ini. Sekiranya terdapat bahasa yang berkaitan, bahasa tersebut akan jauh, mungkin di suatu tempat di sepanjang pantai barat Amerika Utara dan Selatan. Tetapi setakat ini, ia masih dianggap sebagai & # 8220isolate & # 8221 tidak & # 8220isolated. & # 8221

JW: Thank you so much for that linguistic clarification as this is an essential aspect of your argument. I wanted to ask a question about another important aspect of your research: periodization. Which centuries are we speaking of in reference to these hypothetical encounters between the Polynesians and Chumash? Could they have been sustained over long periods of time or were they merely episodic in frequency?

TJ: We do not believe that contacts were by any means sustained, but we do see the likelihood of two distinct contact events: one close to c. 700 CE that resulted in conveyance of sewn-plank boat technology and the composite harpoon, and a second event around c. 1300 CE that resulted in diffusion of the compound bone hook, grooved and barbed bone fishhooks, and grooved and barbed shell fishhooks. The earlier event may have originated from central Polynesia, while the second was from Hawaii.

JW: There is strong material evidence to support the premise that the Polynesians also visited South America namely, that of sweet potato diffusion across the Pacific Ocean to Polynesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia. Much has also been made about alleged “Polynesian” chicken bones found at El Arenal, in Arauco Province, Chile. Are there commonalities in the evidence observed in Chile (or Ecuador) to what you have found among the Chumash and Gabrielino of coastal California?

TJ: Chile is the only other place in the New World where canoes were made by plank-sewing. The date of c. 1300 CE that we assign to the later contact event in southern California is very similar to the time when chickens were likely introduced into Chile from Polynesia. This date falls well within the era of greatest eastern Polynesian long-distance seafaring (documented by the chemistry of stone adzes) that ended around c. 1450 CE.

JW: I understand that your application of the “transpacific diffusion” hypothesis has proven quite controversial in the United States. How has it been received elsewhere around the world? Additionally, why do you believe there has been such theoretical resistance to your theory of transpacific exchange reaching North America? Is it due in part to Thor Heyerdahl (a Norwegian ethnologist, 1914-2002) and his Kon-Tiki theories?

TJ: My impression is that it has been better received elsewhere, especially in Europe. However, Pacific specialists are divided. Those who favor the new “short” chronology for Polynesian settlement of the Pacific do not like our date of c. 700 CE because according to this new dating scheme, it predates the initial settlement of Hawaii, the nearest Polynesian outpost to California.

There seem to be at least three mains reasons for the resistance among Americanists:

  1. Longstanding theoretical resistance to the notion of trans-oceanic diffusion and a strong inclination to attribute all innovations as independent adaptive responses at the local level. Virtually all other explanations for cultural variability over time in the Chumash area take this as a basic assumption.
  2. Arguments that our case denigrates Native Californians by implying that they were incapable of developing these innovations on their own (which we do not).
  3. Lingering concern about Thor Heyerdahl’s methods and scholarship he advanced the notion of trans-oceanic contact, but had the case backwards by asserting that indigenous South Americans settled and colonized Polynesia. He courted the mainstream media to promote his ideas rather than engage with academic scholars who recognized serious empirical flaws in his theories from the beginning.

JW: Before concluding this interview, I wanted to inquire whether you have received comments from members of the Chumash or Gabrielino tribes about your research?

TJ: I have not done a formal poll, but we have encountered two opinions. One, expressed early on was something along the lines of, “yes and we might have come from the moon too.” They were obviously not supportive. However, more commonly, we have been told that “this is something we have always known happened!”

This latter opinion has been expressed by Chumash and Gabrielino descendants who have contacted Kathryn and I over the years. In many cases, these are Native people who are today involved in building modern replicas of tomolos and resurrecting traditional seafaring skills.

JW: Dr. Jones, thank you again for speaking with us and sharing your expertise! This has been an absolutely fascinating conversation and it has been a pleasure to learn more about your investigation into long distance exchange across the Pacific. We wish you many happy adventures in research, and we hope that you will keep us posted as to your further studies.

TJ: Thanks for the opportunity, James. The case is presented in its entirety in Polynesians in America: Pre-Columbian Contacts with the New World (AltaMira Press, 2011).

1. Modern replica of a tomolo, Avila Beach, California, 2007. Image: courtesy of Dr. Terry L. Jones.

2. Distribution of the Chumash language in California during Pre-Columbian times. This is a file from the Wikimedia Commons and is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. Image created by ish ishwar, 2005.

3. Sewn-plank watercraft from California, Chile, and Oceania. Image: courtesy of Dr. Terry L. Jones.

4. Map of the “Polynesian Triangle,” which stretches from New Zealand in the southwest, Easter Island in the east, and the Hawaiian islands in the north. This is a file from Wikimedia Commons and is in the public domain because it has been released there by its author. Image created by Kahuroa, 2005-2010.

5. This is an image of a Polynesian navigation device, showing the direction of winds, waves, and islands (c. 1904). This is a file from Wikimedia Commons and is in the public domain–in the USA–because its copyright has expired. Image uploaded by S. Percy Smith, 2010.

Dr. Terry L. Jones is Professor of Anthropology and Chair of the Department of Social Sciences at California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo where he has taught for the last 15 years. He has worked as a professional archaeologist for 30 years, mostly on the central California coast where he studies hunter-gatherer ecology and maritime adaptations. He has published over 60 scholarly articles in the world’s leading archaeological journals as well as monographs and edited volumes, including (with L. Mark Raab): Prehistoric California: Archaeology and the Myth of Paradise (University of Utah Press, 2004), and (with Kathryn Klar): California Prehistory: Colonization, Culture, and Complexity (Altamira Press, 2007). In 2008, he received the Martin A. Baumhoff Award for Special Achievement from the Society for California Archaeology. Dr. Jones is editor of California Archaeology, the journal of the Society for California Archaeology. His most recent publication is Polynesians in America: Pre-Columbian Contacts with the New World (AltaMira Press, 2011).

James Blake Wiener is a Director and the Public Relations Manager of the Ancient History Encyclopedia, providing a continuous listing of must-read articles, exciting museum exhibitions, and interviews with experts in the field. Trained as a historian and researcher, and previously a professor of history, James is also a freelance writer who is keenly interested in cross-cultural exchange. Committed to fostering increased awareness of the ancient world, James welcomes you to the Ancient History Encyclopedia and hopes that you find his news releases and interviews to be “illuminating.”

All images featured in this interview have been attributed to their respective owners and are copyrighted.Images lent to the Ancient History Encyclopedia, by Dr. Terry L. Jones, have been done so as a courtesy for the purposes of this interview. We extend our special thanks to Dr. Kathryn A. Klar for her time and cooperation in helping facilitate this interview. The views presented here are not necessarily those of the Ancient History Encyclopedia. Hak cipta terpelihara. © AHE 2013. Please contact us for rights to republication.


Claims of European contact

Solutrean hypothesis

The Solutrean hypothesis argues that Europeans may have immigrated to the New World during the Paleolithic era, circa 16,000 to 13,000 BCE. This hypothesis proposes contact partly on the basis of perceived similarities between the flint tools of the Solutrean culture in modern-day France, Spain and Portugal (which thrived circa 20,000 to 15,000 BCE), and the Clovis culture of North America, which developed circa 9000 BCE. [82] [83] The Solutrean hypothesis, first proposed in the mid-1990s, has had little support amongst the scientific mainstream, [84] and subsequent genetic research has been cited as further weakening support for the idea. [85] [86]

Claims involving ancient Roman contact

Evidence of contacts with the civilizations of Classical Antiquity—primarily with the Roman Empire, but sometimes also with other cultures of the age—have been based on isolated alleged archaeological finds in American sites that originated in the Old World. The Bay of Jars in Brazil has been yielding ancient clay storage jars that resemble Roman amphorae [87] for over 150 years. It has been proposed that the origin of these jars is a Roman wreck, although it has been suggested that they could be 15th or 16th century Spanish olive oil jars.

Romeo Hristov argues that a Roman ship, or the drifting of such a shipwreck to the American shores, is a possible explanation of archaeological finds (like the Tecaxic-Calixtlahuaca bearded head) from ancient Rome in America. Hristov claims that the possibility of such an event has been made more likely by the discovery of evidences of travels from Romans to Tenerife and Lanzarote in the Canaries, and of a Roman settlement (from the 1st century BCE to the 4th century CE) on Lanzarote island. [88]

Tecaxic-Calixtlahuaca head

A small terracotta head sculpture, with a beard and European-like features, was found in 1933 (in the Toluca Valley, 72 kilometres southwest of Mexico City) in a burial offering under three intact floors of a pre-colonial building dated to between 1476 and 1510. The artifact has been studied by Roman art authority Bernard Andreae, director emeritus of the German Institute of Archaeology in Rome, Italy, and Austrian anthropologist Robert von Heine-Geldern, both of whom stated that the style of the artifact was compatible with small Roman sculptures of the 2nd century. [89] If genuine and if not placed there after 1492 (the pottery found with it dates to between 1476 and 1510) [90] the find provides evidence for at least a one-time contact between the Old and New Worlds. [91]

According to ASU's Michael E. Smith, [92] John Paddock, a leading Mesoamerican scholar, used to tell his classes in the years before he died that the artifact was planted as a joke by Hugo Moedano, a student who originally worked on the site. Despite speaking with individuals who knew the original discoverer (García Payón), and Moedano, Smith says he has been unable to confirm or reject this claim. Though he remains skeptical, Smith concedes he cannot rule out the possibility that the head was a genuinely buried Post-classic offering at Calixtlahuaca. [93]

14th- and 15th-century Europe contact

Henry I Sinclair, Earl of Orkney and feudal baron of Roslin (c. 1345 – c. 1400) was a Scottish nobleman. He is best known today because of a modern legend that he took part in explorations of Greenland and North America almost 100 years before Christopher Columbus. [94] In 1784, he was identified by Johann Reinhold Forster [95] as possibly being the Prince Zichmni described in letters allegedly written around the year 1400 by the Zeno brothers of Venice, in which they describe a voyage throughout the North Atlantic under the command of Zichmni. [96]

Henry was the grandfather of William Sinclair, 1st Earl of Caithness, the builder of Rosslyn Chapel (near Edinburgh, Scotland). The authors Robert Lomas and Christopher Knight believe some carvings in the chapel to be ears of New World corn or maize. [97] This crop was unknown in Europe at the time of the chapel's construction, and was not cultivated there until several hundred years later. Knight and Lomas view these carvings as evidence supporting the idea that Henry Sinclair travelled to the Americas well before Columbus. In their book they discuss meeting with the wife of the botanist Adrian Dyer, and that Dyer's wife told him that Dyer agreed that the image thought to be maize was accurate. [97] In fact Dyer found only one identifiable plant among the botanical carvings and suggested that the "maize" and "aloe" were stylized wooden patterns, only coincidentally looking like real plants. [98] Specialists in medieval architecture interpret these carvings as stylised depictions of wheat, strawberries or lilies. [99] [100]

Some have conjectured that Columbus was able to persuade the Catholic Monarchs of Castile and Aragon to support his planned voyage only because they were aware of some recent earlier voyage across the Atlantic. Some suggest that Columbus himself visited Canada or Greenland before 1492, because according to Bartolomé de las Casas he wrote he had sailed 100 leagues past an island he called Thule in 1477. Whether he actually did this and what island he visited, if any, is uncertain. Columbus is thought to have visited Bristol in 1476. [101] Bristol was also the port from which John Cabot sailed in 1497, crewed mostly by Bristol sailors. In a letter of late 1497 or early 1498 the English merchant John Day wrote to Columbus about Cabot's discoveries, saying that land found by Cabot was "discovered in the past by the men from Bristol who found 'Brasil' as your lordship knows". [102] There may be records of expeditions from Bristol to find the "isle of Brazil" in 1480 and 1481. [103] Trade between Bristol and Iceland is well documented from the mid 15th century.

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés records several such legends in his General y natural historia de las Indias of 1526, which includes biographical information on Columbus. He discusses the then-current story of a Spanish caravel that was swept off its course while on its way to England, and wound up in a foreign land populated by naked tribesmen. The crew gathered supplies and made its way back to Europe, but the trip took several months and the captain and most of the men died before reaching land. The ship's pilot, a man called Alonso Sánchez, and very few others finally made it to Portugal, but all were very ill. Columbus was a good friend of the pilot, and took him to be treated in his own house, and the pilot described the land they had seen and marked it on a map before dying. People in Oviedo's time knew this story in several versions, but Oviedo regarded it as myth. [104]

In 1925, Soren Larsen wrote a book claiming that a joint Danish-Portuguese expedition landed in Newfoundland or Labrador in 1473 and again in 1476. Larsen claimed that Didrik Pining and Hans Pothorst served as captains, while João Vaz Corte-Real and the possibly mythical John Scolvus served as navigators, accompanied by Álvaro Martins. [105] Nothing beyond circumstantial evidence has been found to support Larsen's claims. [106]

Irish and Welsh legends

The legend of Saint Brendan, an Irish monk, involves a fantastical journey into the Atlantic Ocean in search of Paradise in the 6th century. Since the discovery of the New World, various authors have tried to link the Brendan legend with an early discovery of America. In 1977 The voyage was successfully recreated by Tim Severin using an ancient Irish Currach. [107]

According to a British myth, Madoc was a prince from Wales who explored the Americas as early as 1170. While most scholars consider this legend to be untrue, it was used as justification for British claims to the Americas, based on the notion of a Briton arriving before other European nationalities. [108]

Biologist and controversial amateur epigrapher Barry Fell claims that Irish Ogham writing has been found carved into stones in the Virginias. [109] Linguist David H. Kelley has criticized some of Fell's work but nonetheless argued that genuine Celtic Ogham inscriptions have in fact been discovered in America. [110] However, others have raised serious doubts about these claims. [111]

Other claims

Claims of contact have often been based on occurrences of similar motifs in art and decoration, or on depictions in one World of species or objects that are thought to be characteristic of the other World. Famous examples include a Maya statuette claimed to depict a bearded man rowing, a cross in bas-relief at the Temple of the Cross in Palenque. [112] Nevertheless, most of these finds can be explained as the result of misinterpretation. The Palenque "cross", for instance, is almost certainly a stylized maize plant.

In 1950, an Italian botanist, Domenico Casella, suggested that a depiction of a pineapple was represented among wall paintings of Mediterranean fruits at Pompeii. According to Wilhelmina Feemster Jashemski, this interpretation has been challenged by other botanists, who identify it as a pine cone from the Umbrella pine tree, which is native to the Mediterranean area. [113]

The Bat Creek inscription and Los Lunas Decalogue Stone have led some to suggest the possibility that Jewish seafarers may have come to America after fleeing the Roman Empire at the time of the Jewish Revolt. [114]

Claims from Mormon archaeology

The Book of Mormon, a text of the Mormon religion that was allegedly translated by founder Joseph Smith, Jr from ancient gold plates in the early 1800s, states that some ancient inhabitants of the New World are descendants of Semitic peoples who sailed from the Old World. Mormon apologetics groups such as the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies attempt to study and expand on these ideas. However, archaeologists reject these claims. The National Geographic Society, in a 1998 letter to the Institute for Religious Research, stated "Archaeologists and other scholars have long probed the hemisphere's past and the society does not know of anything found so far that has substantiated the Book of Mormon." [115] Some LDS scholars share this view, for example literature professor and active Mormon Terryl Givens has pointed out that there is a lack of historical accuracy in the Book of Mormon as it relates to modern archaeological knowledge. [116]

In the 1950s, M. Wells Jakeman popularized a belief that the Izapa Stela 5 represented the tree of life vision from the Book of Mormon and he claimed it as a validation of the historicity of the claims of pre-Columbian settlement in the Americas. [117] His interpretations of the carving and its connection to pre-Columbian contact are not accepted as the central image of the stela actually shows a Mesoamerican world tree, connecting the sky above and the water or underworld below. Critics have criticized Jakeman's interpretation as belying "an obvious religious agenda that ignored Izapa Stela 5's heritage". [118]


Pre-Columbian Contact

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MoMo
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Post by MoMo on Feb 22, 2012 15:58:19 GMT -6

Theories of Pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact are those theories that propose interaction between indigenous peoples of the Americas who settled the Americas before 10,000 BC, and peoples of other continents (Africa, Asia, Europe, or Oceania), which occurred before the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Caribbean in 1492.

Many such contacts have been proposed, based on historical accounts, archaeological finds, and cultural comparisons. However, claims of such contacts are controversial and debated, due in part to much ambiguous or circumstantial evidence cited by proponents. Only one instance of pre-Columbian European contact – the Norse settlement at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland, Canada c. 1000 AD – is regarded by scholars as demonstrated. The scientific responses to other pre-Columbian contact claims range from serious consideration in peer-reviewed publications to dismissal as fringe science or pseudoarcheology.

POLYNESIAN
Between 300 and 1200 CE, Polynesians in canoes spread throughout the Polynesian Triangle going as far as Easter Island, New Zealand and Hawaii, and perhaps on to the Americas. The sweet potato, which is native to the Americas, was widespread in Polynesia when Europeans first reached the Pacific. Sweet potato has been radiocarbon-dated in the Cook Islands to 1000 CE, and current thinking is that it was brought to central Polynesia c. 700 CE and spread across Polynesia from there. It has been suggested that it was brought by Polynesians who had traveled to South America and back, or that South Americans brought it to the Pacific. It is unlikely that the plant could successfully float across the ocean by natural means.

In recent years, considerable evidence has emerged suggesting pre-Columbian contact between the Mapuche people of south-central Chile and Polynesians. Chicken bones found at the site El Arenal in the Arauco Peninsula, an area inhabited by Mapuche, support a pre-Columbian introduction of chicken to South America. The bones found in Chile were radiocarbon-dated to between 1304 and 1424, before the arrival of the Spanish. DNA sequences taken were matched to those of chickens in American Samoa and Tonga, and dissimilar to European chicken. However, a later report in the same journal looking at the same mtDNA concluded that the Chilean chicken specimen clusters with the same European/Indian subcontinental/Southeast Asian sequences, providing no support for a Polynesian introduction of chickens to South America.
Furthermore, in December 2007, several human skulls with Polynesian features, such as a pentagonal shape when viewed from behind, were found lying on a shelf in a museum in Concepción. These skulls turned out to be originating from Mocha Island, an island just off the coast of Chile in the Pacific ocean, nowadays inhabited by Mapuche. Professor Lisa Matisoo-Smith of the University of Otago and José-Miguel Ramírez-Aliaga of the University of Valparaíso hope to win agreement soon with the locals of Mocha Island to begin an excavation search for Polynesian remains on the island.
Geneticist Erik Thorsby and colleagues have published two studies in the peer-reviewed journal Tissue Antigens that evidence an Amerindian genetic contribution to the Easter Island population, determining that it was probably introduced prior to European discovery of the island.

ARCHEOLOGICAL THEORIES
A team of academics headed by the University of York's Mummy Research Group and BioArch, while examining a Peruvian mummy at the Bolton Museum, found it had been embalmed using a tree resin. Before this it was thought that Peruvian mummies were naturally preserved. The resin, found to be that of an Araucaria conifer related to the 'monkey puzzle tree', was from a variety found only in Oceania and probably New Guinea. "Radiocarbon dating of both the resin and body by the University of Oxford's radiocarbon laboratory confirmed they were essentially contemporary, and date to around CE1200."

In 1995, archaeobotanist Hakon Hjelmqvist published an article in Svensk Botanisk Tidskrift presenting evidence for the presence of chili peppers, a New World crop, in Europe in the pre-Columbian era. According to Hjelmqvist, archaeologists at a dig in St Botulf in Lund found a Capsicum frutescens in a layer from the 13th century. Hjelmqvist thought it came from Asia. Hjelmqvist also claims that Capsicum was described by the Greek Theophrastus (370–286 BCE) in his Historia Plantarum, and in other sources. Around the first century CE, the Roman poet Martialis (Martial) mentioned "Piperve crudum" (raw pepper) in Liber XI, XVIII, allegedly describing them as long and containing seeds (a description which seems to fit chili peppers but could also fit long pepper, which was well known to ancient Romans), though this description is missing from at least some versions of the epigram.

Traces of coca and nicotine found in some Egyptian mummies have led some to speculate that Ancient Egyptians may have traveled to the New World. The initial discovery was made by a German toxicologist, Svetlana Balabanova, after examining the mummy of a female priestess called Henut Taui. Follow-up tests of the hair shaft, performed to rule out contamination, gave the same results. The significance of these finds lies in the fact that both coca and tobacco plants are indigenous to the Americas and thought not to have existed in Africa until sometime after the voyages of Columbus. Subsequent examination of numerous Sudanese mummies undertaken by Balabanova mirrored what was found in the mummy of Henut Taui. Balabanova suggested that the tobacco may be accounted for since it may have also been known in China and Europe, as indicated by analysis run on human remains from those respective regions. Balabanova proposed that such plants native to the general area may have developed independently, but have since gone extinct. Other explanations include fraud, though curator Alfred Grimm of the Egyptian Museum in Munich disputes this. Skeptical of Balabanova's findings, Rosalie David Keeper of Egyptology at the Manchester Museum had similar tests performed on samples taken from the Manchester mummy collection and reported that two of the tissue samples and one hair sample did test positive for nicotine. Sources of nicotine other than tobacco and sources of cocaine in the Old World are discussed by the British biologist Duncan Edlin. Mainstream scholars remain skeptical, and do not see this as proof of ancient contact between Africa and the Americas, especially as there may be possible Old World sources. Two attempts to replicate Balbanova finds of cocaine failed, suggesting "that either Balabanova and her associates are misinterpreting their results or that the samples of mummies tested by them have been mysteriously exposed to cocaine."

A re-examination in the 1970s of the mummy of Ramesses II revealed the presence of fragments of tobacco leaves in its abdomen. This became a popular topic in fringe literature and the media and was seen as proof of contact between Ancient Egypt and the New World. The investigator, Maurice Bucaille, noted that when the mummy was unwrapped in 1886 the abdomen was left open and that "it was no longer possible to attach any importance to the presence inside the abdominal cavity of whatever material was found there, since the material could have come from the surrounding environment." Following the renewed discussion of tobacco sparked by Balabnova's research and its mention in a 2000 publication by Rosalie David, a study in the journal Antiquity suggested that reports on both tobacco and cocaine in mummies "ignored their post-excavation histories" and pointed out that the mummy of Ramesses II had been moved five times between 1883 and 1975.
Another discovery in the mummy of Ramesses II also led to suggestions of early contact. This was an adult Lasioderma serricorne, a beetle also known as the 'tobacco beetle'. It was first described in American dried plants in 1798 but not recorded as a species until 1886. It may be of tropical origin and has been found in Tutankhamun's tomb, Bronze Age Akrotiri and Amarna

Ophiuchus
Pentadbir


Trans-oceanic travel originating from the New World

Claims of Egyptian coca and tobacco

Traces of coca and nicotine found in some Egyptian mummies have led to speculation that Ancient Egyptians may have traveled to the New World. The initial discovery was made by a German toxicologist, Svetlana Balabanova, after examining the mummy of a female priestess called Henut Taui. Follow-up tests of the hair shaft, performed to rule out contamination, gave the same results.

A television show reported that examination of numerous Sudanese mummies undertaken by Balabanova mirrored what was found in the mummy of Henut Taui. Balabanova suggested that the tobacco may be accounted for since it may have also been known in China and Europe, as indicated by analysis run on human remains from those respective regions. Balabanova proposed that such plants native to the general area may have developed independently, but have since gone extinct. Other explanations include fraud, though curator Alfred Grimm of the Egyptian Museum in Munich disputes this. Skeptical of Balabanova's findings, Rosalie David, Keeper of Egyptology at the Manchester Museum, had similar tests performed on samples taken from the Manchester mummy collection and reported that two of the tissue samples and one hair sample did test positive for nicotine. Sources of nicotine other than tobacco and sources of cocaine in the Old World are discussed by the British biologist Duncan Edlin.

Mainstream scholars remain skeptical, and they do not see this as proof of ancient contact between Africa and the Americas, especially because there may be possible Old World sources. Two attempts to replicate Balabanova's finds of cocaine failed, suggesting "that either Balabanova and her associates are misinterpreting their results or that the samples of mummies tested by them have been mysteriously exposed to cocaine."

A re-examination in the 1970s of the mummy of Ramesses II revealed the presence of fragments of tobacco leaves in its abdomen. This became a popular topic in fringe literature and the media and was seen as proof of contact between Ancient Egypt and the New World. The investigator, Maurice Bucaille, noted that when the mummy was unwrapped in 1886 the abdomen was left open and that "it was no longer possible to attach any importance to the presence inside the abdominal cavity of whatever material was found there, since the material could have come from the surrounding environment." Following the renewed discussion of tobacco sparked by Balabanova's research and its mention in a 2000 publication by Rosalie David, a study in the journal Antiquity suggested that reports of both tobacco and cocaine in mummies "ignored their post-excavation histories" and pointed out that the mummy of Ramesses II had been moved five times between 1883 and 1975.

Icelander DNA finding

In 2010 Sigríður Sunna Ebenesersdóttir published a genetic study showing that over 350 living Icelanders carried mitochondrial DNA of a new type that is similar to the type found only in Native American and East Asian populations. Using the deCODE genetics database, Sigríður Sunna determined that the DNA entered the Icelandic population not later than 1700, and likely several centuries earlier. However Sigríður Sunna also states that ". while a Native American origin seems most likely for [this new haplogroup], an Asian or European origin cannot be ruled out".

Norse legends and sagas

In 1009, legends report that Norse explorer Thorfinn Karlsefni abducted two children from Markland, an area on the North American mainland where Norse explorers visited but did not settle. The two children were then taken to Greenland, where they were baptized and taught to speak Norse.

In 1420, Danish geographer Claudius Clavus Swart wrote that he personally had seen "pygmies" from Greenland who were caught by Norsemen in a small skin boat. Their boat was hung in Nidaros Cathedral in Trondheim along with another, longer boat also taken from "pygmies". Clavus Swart's description fits the Inuit and two of their types of boats, the kayak and the umiak. Similarly, the Swedish clergyman Olaus Magnus wrote in 1505 that he saw in Oslo Cathedral two leather boats taken decades earlier. According to Olaus, the boats were captured from Greenland pirates by one of the Haakons, which would place the event in the 14th century.

In Ferdinand Columbus' biography of his father Christopher, he says that in 1477 his father saw in Galway, Ireland two dead bodies which had washed ashore in their boat. The bodies and boat were of exotic appearance, and have been suggested to have been Inuit who had drifted off course.

Inuit

It has been suggested that the Norse took other indigenous peoples to Europe as slaves over the following centuries, because they are known to have taken Scottish and Irish slaves.

There is also evidence of Inuit coming to Europe under their own power or as captives after 1492. A substantial body of Greenland Inuit folklore first collected in the 19th century told of journeys by boat to Akilineq, here depicted as a rich country across the ocean.

Pre-Columbian contact between Alaska and Kamchatka via the subarctic Aleutian Islands would have been conceivable, but the two settlement waves on this archipelago started on the American side and its western continuation, the Commander Islands, remained uninhabited until after Russian explorers encountered the Aleut people in 1741. There is no genetic or linguistic evidence for earlier contact along this route.


Tonton videonya: REPORTAJE DE SANTA LUCIA COTZ. 2015 (Julai 2022).


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